Professor Abhulimen Anao's key chapter in the Uniben 21st century story

by Eromose Ileso

In its near 50 year history, (currently 48 years) the University of Benin has had several Vice Chancellors. There are some whose name are remembered in infamy, while others that would always be in the exalted company of the esteemed. Professor Abhulimen Anao without a shadow of doubt belongs to the latter category.

The Professor of Accounting, now 78 was the University of Benin Vice Chancellor from 1999-2004. His ascension to the Vice Chancellorship came at a time when the ivory tower was at a crossroad in terms of a crisis of identity that stemmed from its paucity of infrastructure, to the labyrinthine state of the school's environment, and the dysfunctional condition of the internal workings of the school's administrative system.

The part he played in steering Uniben into the 21st century cannot be sniffed at, but this could be the case as there is a paucity of those who often look at history in our clime. As a student of history, I decided to look at this period in the history of the school by looking back at how the events at the time shaped the institution the way it is today.

At first, it had looked as if it would be more of the same at his ascension to that position. But a series of events set in motion a chain reaction that served as a catalyst for several aspects of the school to be revamped.

It was during his time that the University of Benin actually got a complete revamp of its infrastructure for the first time since its was founded, something only Professor Osayuki Oshodi, Vice Chancellor (2009-2014) has been able to both match and surpass.

His midas touch did not end at the school's infrastructure, but it extended to the use of technology. When Uniben became one of the first Nigerian Universities to have a website, where courses were registered online in 2002, as well as school fees paid via the online portal, rather than the manual way it was previously being done. I could remember the number of times I accompanied some friends to a cyber cafe at the June 12 Building to aid in the registration of their courses after the payment of school fees.

In a open letter to returning student on 14 October, 2002 on resumption for the 2002/2003 session, he mentioned, this feat as the Central Students Records and Processing Unit (CSRPU) which was established in 2001, became fully operational in 2002, and was fully computerized.

However, to get a clear picture of how he touched various aspects of the school, its important to take a cursory look at these areas and the series of events that sparked it.

In 1999, Nigeria returned to democratic rule under the administration of Olusegun Obasanjo, and he met on ground the Education Tax Fund which came on stream by a military degree in 1993 as part of measures to solve the problem of funding in the education sector after the ASUU strike of 1992. 

It later morphed into the Education Trust Fund. (ETF), its stayed so on till it was repealed in 2011 with the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (Tetfund) it upshot.

However, the nexus here is that there was some measure of funding that came some institutions way during the ETF years, and it seems that of Uniben was used judiciously going by what followed afterwards in terms of projects.

A major impact project was the building of a huge plant house close to the Faculty of Medicine building, which housed three huge generating plants that were used to power the halls of residence, especially Halls, 1, 2 and 3. Whose obsolete generating plant had struggled to provide sustained power at night. The plant also powered school street lights, which allowed the campus to be lit up at night.

While that was the first major project that brought a new phase to the school. There were noticeable changes in the school's environment whose flowers were regularly trimmed, grasses cleared and the convenience of halls of residence underwent regular clean up and drains regularly unclogged.  

It brought a measure of serenity to the school environs with a touch of flora scent.

The Faculty of Medicine building which was under construction for a number of years, and had virtually been completed, before he came into office, yet lacking in some vital fittings was finally completed, and that lecturers were made to relocate to their offices there.

Then President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo was around to commission the complex. He was the lecture for most students on that day, as classes were disrupted as students and staffs flocked to the ceremony to catch a glimpse of him.

It was noticeable that, halls of residence in the school, especially the aforementioned halls and hall 4 received major face lift during his time. Besides that, the Faculty of Social Sciences, which is aptly termed "Faculty" by all who went through Uniben, and a huge building at that, also got a face lift, probably for the first time since it was built.

It was during this period that the first phase of the Faculty of Education was built. This enabled students and staffs of the Faculty to have a building of their own, after years of putting up at the Facility of Social Sciences. The popular basement also received a major facelift.

Despite all these, it was a completely different set of events that changed the face of the school forever, and the domino effects reverberated across the communities that surrounds it.

In the nighties and early 2000s, Uniben was dotted with different wooden kiosk that were scattered around. There were several in the compound of halls 1-3, others lied around the vicinity of June 12 building, directly opposite hall 4. Some were close to the Junior Staff quarters, with a popular spot called. "Dreamz"

In September, 2001, the chain of events commenced with the disqualification of a popular candidate for the presidency of the Students Union Government, in the person of Obe Rasaq, as he then was. He was a student of the Faculty of Engineering. His disqualification did not go down well with some students especially engineering students, who had a history of spearheading challenges to constituted authority. They believed the school authorities were trying to rein on his popularity. Riot broke out as a result.

That singular action by some student changed the face of the school from a point of view of business, administration, transport, admission, security and other sectors.

During the student disturbances, some school properties were damaged, including portraits/paintings at the school's Akin Deko Auditorium.

The reaction of the school authorities was swift. University of Benin was shut down, students were asked to go home and Student Unionism was banned. The reforms that followed afterwards could not have been foreseen by any ethereal seer.

First, there was a demolition of all wooden structures within the school premises. All of which housed different joints ranging from bars, restaurant, phone booths, saloons, business centres, mini mart etc. They were scattered within the school premises.

In their place, shopping complexes were built across the school. From the June 12 building, to the Faculty of Social Sciences, Basement, and Faculty of Education, these complexes were made up of stores of varying sizes that replaced the wooden structures.

Owners of the previous wooden structures, who could not match the amount to rent the new stores at the new complexes, decided to close shop altogether. This move by the school affected several business owners at the time.

The reform moved from there to the outlying communities, especially Ekosodin.

Prior to the student crisis of 2001, residence of Ekosodin could access their community through the Uniben premises. Vehicle owners and motorbike users could drive in and out of the community through Uniben. But all this stopped in 2001.

Previously, the see through white gate at the Ekosodin security post was always opened throughout for vehicles and pedestrians. But the crisis served as a reason for the gate to be replaced by a huge black gate that remains shut to this day, with just the pedestrian gate open for students, staffs and other users. But it is always shut against all users whenever there are cult disturbances in Ekosodin. Leaving the student to access the school premises through the Benin-Lagos Expressway via the deplorable Ekosodin road.

Bikes and vehicles could drive in out of Ekosodin through the gate at the time, and added to that, it was a place known as a hotbed for cultism, so the school authorities moved to prevent a steady stream and easy access of this into the school environs, so the gate was shut permanently 17 years ago.

Besides, the aforementioned two, every student of the University of Benin was made to undergo certificate screening. The screening in question was on the secondary school leaving certificates that every student used to gain admission into the University. The screening affected several students as it turned out some either had fake result, or did not meet the subject entry requirements to gain admission in the first place. Some students whose GPA had them in First class position or Second Class Upper division, were dismissed from the school. Some voluntarily left before they could be screened out.

In his letter to students in 2002, he alluded to the certificate screening staying as a school policy.

“. . . the University will at some stage during the next two years subject you to certificate screening. Students who are found to have entered with false claims are usually expelled with ignominy . . . The screening of entry certificate became institutionalized in our system when it became apparent that a sizable number of our youth today resort to faking entry requirements in order to enter university."  Professor Abhulimen Anao 14 October, 2002.

This measure was introduced out of a need to ascertain those that were ‘truly’ students of the University. Because at the time, there was a widely held belief within the school hierarchy that most of the students at the centre of the disturbances, were not really students of the school.

In the end, a measure introduced to flush out these elements turned out to rub off on some 'good' students, who bend the rules to gain admission.

Certificate screening has become a school policy. What arose out of the aches of a student riot, over the disqualification of a student Union presidential aspirant, is today a thread in every school fabric in Nigeria.

As part of the screening exercise, every student was made to depose to an Affidavit of Non membership of Secret Cults before they could be allowed back to school. Added to that, there was a cultist renunciation programme that was organised by the school authorities. Cultist, many of whom were known to the school directly or indirectly got ultimatum to either come out to renounce their membership or had their names published and lose their studentship instead of the amnesty that was a product of the voluntary renunciation.

Several students took up the gauntlet and where left off the hook.

Prior to the reforms, and before the crisis, moving around Uniben was through the use of motorbikes. There seem to be a laissez faire approach to it. They had a main park at Main gate at the spot where the present shopping complex is presently located.

In my first and part of my second year in Uniben, I went to school from home, whenever I got to Main gate, majority of the time, the bike riders were always reluctant to take student to the Law Faculty, because of the distance. And the time they would use to take a student there, was enough to make double the amount for shorter distances such as the Faculty of Sciences, Engineering, Student Affairs and the Vice Chancellor's office that were close by. They could take a passenger there, and return to Main Gate in a jiffy, which was not the case when they carried a passenger to the Law Faculty. This was always the case during the morning rush hour, when there was a plethora of passengers, so they had enough choices.

As a result, on several occasions, I had to take bike to Hall 3 car park, before walking the short distance from there to the Law Faculty. It was particularly so in Year One, when Professor Otakpor had his Introduction to Logic class that commenced at 8am. He was magnanimous enough to had given students who stayed outside the campus, the grace of coming in 15 minutes past eight when he had his class.

But this transport arrangement in Uniben, changed after that crisis. Motorbikes were banned from operating within the school. Private cars and buses were introduced.

They could convey passengers to different places within the school. A major park was built at Main Gate, with another at the Faculty of Social Sciences. The price was pegged at 10 naira at the time. Any cab had to register before operating in the school compound. While car drop was a feature for those who either had a flavour for convenience, in a rush or lacked the gift of patience.

Also, during his time, he was instrumental in ensuring that a new and bigger health centre was built, just close to the I000 LT. A lecture theatre that he completed after it had been abandoned for a number of years.

The Afrihub Computer centre was another initiative of the school at the time, as well as the Uniben Integrated Enterprises which came on stream during his time as Vice Chancellor.

Looking back at the fallout of those reforms the University of Benin authorities undertook at the time under Professor Abhulimen Anao, the fact it still reverberates in the school, reflects the significance of those actions. Though it swept many off their feet, as the saying goes, that when it rains, it falls on the good and the bad. So it was that the reform affected several persons that had nothing to do with the disturbances.

Today, when I cast my mind back at those days, you could say his coming as the Vice Chancellor the penultimate year before the commencement of the 21st century was timely. Uniben was a chaotic and disorganised place when he came in. It's various organs were not as strong as they are today. Few would have had the strong will and courage to wield such a big stick to carry out a complete revamp of the entire school structure that set the tone for what is currently being enjoyed today.

The fact that only Professor Osayuki Oshodi has built on this, fourteen years after he left, speaks volumes, and it reveals that foresight is not a gift everybody in leadership position posseses. It took the former to lay the foundations for others to built on, because gestation period in any reform is always the difficult part, after that building become seamless. That is the position of the Univeristy of Benin as at today.

Did Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and Emmanuel Ifeajuna get foreign help for Nigeria’s first coup?

by Eromose Ileso

By January 15, 2016 it will be 50 years since Nigeria’s first military coup. 

The military foray into the country’s political landscape changed the structures of the country entirely, and the domino effect of that singular act by several young officers in the army is still being felt still date. 

Prior to the coup, there were four semi automonous regions that were developing at their own pace. The Northern, Western, Mid-west and Eastern Regions did not need to go cap in hand for federal allocation as is the case now to develop their regions. 

However, that coup ripped off those structures, and General Agoniyi Ironsi’s Decree No 34 of 1966 which introduced a unitary system destructed whatever was left of the country’s regional system, and Yakubu Gowon’s creation of states to prevent Biafra’s succession plans was the final nail on the head of Nigeria’s striving post independence regional and federal structures.

The January 15, 1966 coup d’etat which was orchestrated by five majors with Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna as the arrow heads of the coup started at about 2am. 

The coup’s only complete success was in the North where Major Nzeogwu led other officers to put down the structures in Kaduna where several top military officers were killed. 

The Northern region Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello was killed along with his senior wife. The brigade command was successively sealed.

Major Ifeajuna led the Western Region part of the coup, but despite the fact that the prime minister, Tafewa Balewa and other top military officers were killed in Lagos, the coup failed in the West. The head of Nigeria’s army at the time, General Agoniyi Ironsi survived the killings, and rallied the army to put down the coup. 

No shot were however fired in the Eastern Region as the officers at the heart of the plot there somehow developed cold feet.

With the kind of planning that went into that coup and the fact that logistics and communications are key components in carrying out coup plots, it becomes key to examine whether there could have been foreign support in the planning of the coup.

One of the officers that was part of the execution of the coup in Kaduna, Ben Gbulie who was a captain at the time, was on record to have said that the situation of the country was discussed within the officers at the officers mess on a regular basis, and speaking against the situation in the country at the time, was a clue that such an officer was going to join in its execution.

That aside, General Yakubu Gowon said in an interview during his 80th birthday celebrations in 2014 that when he sailed on an ocean liner from the United Kingdom to Lagos in 1965 after attending series of military courses abroad, the possibility of Nigeria’s military staging a coup was put to him as a question by a foreigner during their voyage to Lagos, according to him, it was a notion he quickly dismissed, with the answer that the Nigeria military comprised of professional soldiers who would not venture into politics. 

For a foreigner to have raised such question months before a coup eventually took place raises some questions as to whether the possibility that some sections of the Nigerian military would end up staging a coup was not known to foreign intelligence services? 

It is not outside the realm of possibilities that there could have been interventionist powers from outside the country that played a role in the planning of the coup at the time judging by the prevailing circumstances of the iron curtail that was the norm during the cold war.

The 1960s was the height of the cold war with the Western and Eastern blocs fighting several proxy wars. While the Cuba missile crisis was just one of them, a crisis that almost brought the Soviet Union and the Americans to the brink of nuclear war.

But it was the direct intervention of these powers in the politics of Africa at the time especially through the barrel of a gun rather than ballot boxes which raised questions whether there was no foreign help in Nigeria’s first coup.

For instance, the assassination of Patrice Lumumba in January, 1961 the independence Prime Minister of Congo Kinshasa was orchestrated by the West through the Belgians and Americans after he sought Soviet help to quench an uprising in the Katanga province at the time. 

Besides that his strong criticism of the Belgian colonist during Congo’s independence ceremony in June 30, 1960 did not go down well with the Belgian King who was in attendance. Patrice Lumumba’s aim to attain control of the mineral wealth of Congo was antithesis to what the West wanted and his leaning towards the Soviet Union was the last straw that caused him to be overthrown and later killed.

In those early independence days of Africa countries, any flirting with the Soviet Union from an African leader was met with displacement through coup d’etat by the West.

Besides Patrice Lumumba, Sylvanus Olympio of Togo was assassinated by the Togolese military in 1963 largely due to the help of the French. The Togolese coup was the first in West Africa and indeed in sub Sahara Africa and it was due entirely to the handiwork of the West just like most coups on the continent at the time.

In the same vain, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana was removed from office in 1966 through a coup d’etat sponsored by the West after his leaning towards the communist Eastern bloc. Despite the fact that his popularity had waned in Ghana due to his dictatorial tendencies which affected the economy, it took flirting with the East for him to be removed.

The independence leader of Mozambique and head of Frelimo Eduardo Mondlane was also a victim of a Western backed assassination in 1969.

What was clear from the early years of African independence was that any leader that entertained communist tendencies was swept from power through the pains of coup d’etat.

That most of the leaders that eventually came to power became puppets of the West despite their poor handling of their country’s resources only reveals another side of the West’s self serving voracious interest as they turned a blind eye to such plundering. 

In this case, Mobotu Sese Siko could be found as an example, despite amassing the wealth of Congo Kinshasa for his own personal use, he enjoyed the goodwill of the West for more than thirty years before he was toppled from power by Laurent Kabila.

It is this carriage of events that does not rule out the possibility of foreign support in the military coup of January 15, 1966.

The world was a polarised place and most interventionist plans at the time were not carried out in isolation, but through the help of a foreign power.

The entire officers of the Nigeria military at the time where products of training from the Sandhurst military academy in Britain and majority of the officers that were involved in the coup passed through the famous Sandhurst Academy before returning to the country.

With the way the twentieth century world was structured, especially with the contending powers of the Western and Eastern blocs, it was common place for the principal players within these blocs to openly intervene in the internal politics of African countries during the sixties to suit their interest.

Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu was known to have been a charismatic soldier who was opinionated on several issues. He had an independent and revolutionary mindset which meant he held to his principles no matter what they were. It is not clear whether his decision to spearhead the removal of Nigeria’s first elected government was influenced purely by his principles or it was fuelled by intervening forces from outside the country?

Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna was the polar opposite of Major Nzeogwu. He was already famous and a pre-independence national hero before he joined the Nigerian military in 1960. He was the first Nigerian to win a gold medal in long jump in the 1954 Empire and Commonwealth Games. An achievement that made him famous. He was also a student of the University of Ibadan where he was a compatriot and friend to Emeka Anyaoku who later became the Secretary General of the Commonwealth of Nations. Major Ifeajuna had displayed revolutionary tendencies during his days as a secondary school student in Onistha where he played a frontline role in a protest in 1951. 

He also led students protest triggered by poor living conditions during his University days in 1957 after a rousing speech.  He later carried on to the Nigeria

 military, and like others that partook in the planning and execution of the coup, they felt they could not stand still and watch things go bad as Nigeria’s first government after independence was bedeviled by crisis.

Yet the independent views shared by these two men whose history in the roles they played both in the coup and in the Nigerian civil war have received opposite views largely due to the way their lives ended.

The fact that the coup d’etat was purely the handiwork of a group of young officers would not have been lost on the powers that be at the time. While the success of the coup was depended on the assassination and arrest of senior military officers several of whom lost their lives during the process, and the decision to take down all of Nigeria’s independent leaders was also of similar linings. It would have taken a huge task for this group of young officers to have undertaken such a mammoth decision if there was no measure of support from somewhere. 

Again, the plan that was hatched to completely eliminate a generation of Nigerian top military officers was both daring and herculean, and there is every possibility however remote that support could have been gotten from outside the country to carry out such a huge task.

The interventionist nature of world politics in the twentieth century, because of ideological differences only serve to show that there could have been a tweak from a world power at the time.

Nothing is known for sure yet the domino effects of the singular actions of a group of five majors continue to reverberate in Nigeria today.